
Caroline Bowles Southey (1786-1854), Southey’s second wife and a fine poet and writer in her own right, Robert’s Window Study, Greta Hall
We have got the 2nd vol. of Espriella’s Letters, & I read it aloud by candlelight. The Man describes well, but is horribly anti-English. He deserves to be the foreigner he assumes. — Jane Austen, 1-2 Oct 1808, at Castle Square, Southampton (LeFaye 141)
Dear friends and readers,
I’ve been reading Robert Southey’s Letters from England in the evening since mid-summer, partly in reaction to Austen’s off-hand dismissal. I’ve discovered it to be a work of original genius: presented appealingly as the story of imagined journeys through England by a Spanish Catholic, Southey’s Letters from England is a perceptive cultural, indeed anthropological analysis of England, circa 1807. He is unusual for seeing in the way medicine is practised has to be seen in the understood of religious attitudes of people as much as their political maneuvering. His depiction of the economic and political doings of English people is relevant to our world today. There is a long varied disquisition on religion and religious sects at the time. Southey’s descriptions of places he loves (the Lake District for example), make parts of his book an exquistely lovely prose poem. He celebrates libraries; he analyses the literary marketplace of his day in a candid sophisticated way (book history!) He is funny. I especially loved his genuine concern for animals, his hatred of slavery, and empathy with the oppressed poor and vulnerable. His book is a rich gem.
Southey is disappointing when he comes to speak of specific women. While not overtly anti-feminist, not concerned with women as such most of the time, one chapter (Joanne Southcote) brings out a startlingly virulent misogynistic strain linking this book to his famous corrosive rejection of Charlotte Bronte’s book. His book does connect to Austen: she read and didn’t like it (she says for its anti-englishness) and fits into (soars above) the popular “letters from” genre of the era, which I find Austen often read.
Southey is particularly good for 19th century England; you would have to go far to find as ample, alive and interesting a book on England in the early 19th century as this. I recommend it to anyone seeking to get a feel for England rather than most 21st century books. The perspective is that of a radical left critique (for the most part). I found I could not easily summarize the book or rewrite in synopsis style, so after a brief introduction these are the summaries and evaluations I’ve been writing on Eighteenth Century Worlds at Yahoo (corrected) these months — with a few appropriate pictures.
My edition is a good older one: adequately enough annotated with an insightful introduction by Jack Simmon (Prof of History, University College, London), it was printed in 1951 by The Cresset Press. Particularly good are his notes connecting the book to England in 1951. For those on a budget who nonetheless do not want to resort to a struggle with a google book or find a facsimile reprint (book on demand), it’s a fine choice. You’ll cherish your volume when you’ve done.
There is a new expensive edition published by Chatto & Pickering, said to be the “first fully annotated, critical edition” by Carol Colton. I guess the word “fully” is key to this statement. Simmons’s notes are accurate, detailed enough and often give you good analogies from contemporary works and he reprints Southey’s notes by Espriella too. Chatto & Pickering’s critical blurb tells you how Southey “blurs the boundaries of fact and fiction to produce a complex work of literary merit — there is no other prose work of its kind during the Romantic period. Among the topics covered are: provincial customs, political intrigues; theater and sports; religious sects; poverty and criminality in urban centers; science and medical progress; Georgian London; social change” and the state of the army and navy.”
Note the values here. To say a work crosses the boundaries of fact and fiction would not have appealed then. It is true that like many travelogues a lot of the travel is half-imagined and our narrator is an imagined character. The blurb entirely omits the radical politics of the book and its relationship to our world today. Price 100 pounds now and 180 pounds later. ISBN: 978 1 84893 209 8
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Gretna Hall as first seen by Coleridge
Letters 1 – 3
I read the introduction and first chapter. It’s a book hard to summarize; much
of its quality thus far is a product of the interaction of the persona and what he sees. Since Southey’s Spaniard gentleman begins in Cornwall (I can’t seem to leave Cornwall in my reading these months) I can compare the opening to Collins’s Rambles Beyond Railways. Collins presents himself as an unnamed version of himself (hired journalist) and can fill us in on what he read about Cornwall to start; Espriella is a traveler who might be compared to an independent scholar i in a library. It’s not a job (like Collin’s is); Espriella travels for the love of it and to inform his fellow Spaniards what England is really like. The idea is he knows nothing and on top of this he admits his Catholicism may get in the way of understanding what he sees.
I wonder about this persona. In the introduction to the book, Simmons goes over Southey’s life and tells how he had a wealthy uncle who lived in Lisbon and went to stay with the uncle at a formative moment (early 20s, after the friendship with Coleridge reached its first collapse); he visited Portugal again after he married and spent 14 months there. He had been an ardent Republican and the experience of the Peninsula and how he saw France in 1793 made him begin to turn conservative. He was a radical politically and that meant religion, and we are told he hated Catholicism as this imprisoning repressive system/religion. He returned in 1801 to do aimless unquiet wandering, a struggling writers writing all the time (poetry which hardly ever makes anyone any money); a turning point was someone (there must be a person) began to give him reviewing for the Quarterly Review. After that he reviewed all his life and the payments for this, a small annuity (oh how wonderful such things are) were a kind of continual small grease to go on with as he wrote and wrote much else. In 1803 he and his wife were invited to visit Gretna Hall. He never left. A huge room was set up for him (with a lovely view) and from there he wrote as if his life depended on it — well at any rate everyone around him did depend too.
I can only think that the assumption of this religion is a kind of excuse to
fend off criticism of him. In her nasty comment Austen refers to this
Spanishness as simply an irritant. For my part he does not seem to be at all
Spanish, not even a little bit. His perspective is that of the middle class
English man when he describes the coach.
The first chapter reminds me of travel books which start with complaints, only
his depiction of Cornwall is of a place physically beautiful (desolate too) and economically desperate. Like many travelers he sees the travelers’ world and it is one of high bustle, inconvenience, with thus far comic vignettes – in the coach.
Southey’s book is very good. Witty, lively, and quietly critical of the established order. This is the moderate radical people speak of (an oxymoron I know).
A few examples: he tends to tell stories of catastrophic awful behavior to women as if it’s a half joke when he knows it’s not. A man who does not imprison his wife, but rather rows her out to an island rock at low water, and leaves her there to think he will not come back. He only returns when the tide is close to drowning her (p. 19)
Very hard physical labor performed by women (p. 22) pointed out to us as unfair affliction.
A sequence where he shows how the countryside around Launceston (Cornwall) is ruined by enclosures (25). Another where he points out how people are driven to starve and move into towns where they are beggars and prostitutes.
In Exeter he tells of how a literary society attached to a circuliating club which was lively and thriving was “broke” up by the gov’t because it was said to foster French Revolution ideas. A thrown-away line tells us this has been done in “every town, village, and almost every family in the kingdom”. When you read this, you can remember that he is talking as a Spaniard, who would be seen as a reactionary so this is a double mask.
In Devonshire he shows how a “notoriously venal” rotten borough really works, How few people live in Honiton, the number of representatives (p. 31) and so on
How Gilbert Wakefield was (in effect) murdered by the British gov’t by his imprisonment. This man was a “favourer of the French revolution.” He was locked up on a trumped up charga=e — having in an answer to a Bishop on the question of dissenters used the fable of teh ass and his panniers. It was a threat to rulers it was said. Public feeling ran high on his behalf. Nonetheless about a show trial (all pretense of justice acted out_), he was put in a prison under rules which permitted no visits. His family could not give him good regularly or warm clothes. (Prisons are themselves shown to be death-like horrible places.) He became very ill and nothing was done (like Edward Fitzgerarld). Shortly after Wakefield was released he died. (p. 35). Southey spoke to someone in power about it and said how much ‘more humane” it would be to repress such documents in the first place (no one believes Milton); the reply, ah but yes then the public would see “too open a violation of the liberty of the press.” Why people think that people in earlier eras were less sophisticated in their viciousness than we today I’ve never figured out.
So amid he wit and humor and realistic descriptions of counties, towns, roads, we have a quiet telling of the intense repressions of the 1790s and early 1800s.
Unexpected (I was not surprised by any of the details of the above) was Southey’s real sympathy for horses. So he was part of the new movement for sympathy for animals. There are a couple of striking examples by the third chapter. So, e.g., in his description of post-chaises, Southey shows how “the life of a post-horse is truly wretched.” One of them in the particular instance had been “rubbed raw by a harness.” They are given little or no rest between journeys. The rationale (as Southey knows) resembles that of slavery. The owner finds “it more profitable to over work their beasts and kill them by hard labour in two or three years than to let them do half the work and live out their natural length of life” (p. 32).
Jane Austen’s criticism is as usual so general (mild xenophobic resentment) and off the cuff it’s hard to say that she’s displeased because of the liberal perspective of Southey’s book, but it cannot be dismissed that that may be it.
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John Constable (1773-1837), Salisbury Cathedral from the Bishop’s Grounds (1825)
Letters 4 – 7
Salisbury Cathedral gives him a chance to critique the destructive behavior of all the fanatic religious cliques as well as the establishment, all the while celebrating its beauty. Although he does the strange beauty of their configurations justices, he does not like ugly modern iron bridges. Nor do I
He has carefully read earlier travel books — interesting this. A scholarly type.
Then he gets into London. I can see that a huge swatch of the book takes place in London. Southey was not that much of a traveler after all.
I read on into Southey’s first days in London and discovered two passages I’ve come across before. This is not a forgotten book. It’s read and remembered.
Both are part of an increasingly strong critique of fundamental customs in 18th and early 19th century life. Southey tells the story of one Governor Wall who during a crisis at sea became so hysterical and brutal he had three men flogged to death. The event was so ugly (it included the floggers tiring and everyone resting and then continuing) and horrifying that it went even beyond the bounds of what was considered acceptable. And what was acceptable was vicious. Wall had to flee and lived in hiding for many years; finally his own circumstances and the post-Revolutionary era made him think that the propaganda would be on his side. Not so. He was hanged — but not (as Southey points out) for brutality or over-flogging, rather on a point of law, whether what he had done was an execution (that would have been fine) or murder (not fine). In other words the court maintained the right and justness of flogging to death.
Southey’s retelling of the incident is part of larger chapter where he critiques the military system of the UK then. He says there should be a clearly demarcated limited term of service, for then you would get more volunteers. He clearly regards pressing as an outrage. The “grievous evils” of the military system includes the way the rich can buy a substitute and the poor can’t. The famous passage comes at the end of an account of the brutalizing and corrupt ways of spending time: he writes that “he who has once been a solider is commonly for ever after unfit for everything else.”
I’ve seen that quoted. I should add that Southey is horrified by the custom of leaving rotting bodies hanging and tells stories of families trying to retrieve their relative or friend’s body — thus reinforcing the thesis of _Albion’s Fatal Tree_ that friends tried to rescue bodies from the scapels of the medical establishment.
The other piece I’ve come across comes first in the sequence on London. Southey really gives the reader an idea of the immense crowdedness of London — or so it felt then. The remarkable variety and press of goods. Southey’s uses his Spanish persona and shows shopping in London is a mode of exhibiting oneself and one’s class instead of getting what you need.
He imagines the reader walking with him up the street past St Paul’s, and then critiques the way the streets around St Paul’s obscure its beauty which he says is not really cared about no matter what people claim. Why so? After the 1660 fire there was a chance to re-landscape and leave it free and that was ignored, and again in the 18th century there had been a chance to re-landscape and again no one did anything. The passage is too long for me to quote but it was quoted by J. R. H. Weaver after WW2 was over to support an argument for preserving an open view of the church after all around it had been destroyed (p. 51)
Southey also in a comic description reveals English people are bad at pageantry. This section may be intended as a satire on Spanish customs.
Byron has done great harm to this man’s general reputation and deprived us of good books showing that there was a middle kind of decency in the UK at the time – the political positions here are that of Radcliffe — Southey cannot inveigh against nunneries but he is not keen.
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“That might do,” John Everett Millais’s illustration for Trollope’s Small House at Allington (Chapter 20): shopping
Letters 8 – 17
Several superb chapters. This is really able satire which is at the same time realistic enough to present to the reader a sense of London life at the time.
Letter 11 describes London shopping showing beyond a doubt how much of it is done to forward your position, your caste, how the shops are themselves become very fancy in order to appeal to what I’d called identity-snob politics. The section reminded me of a brilliant chapter in Trollope’s Small House at Allingham where the DeCourcy’s go shopping for carpets and the cad of the novel who has jilted the novel’s wonderful heroine, Lily, sees what shits they are and also how much he is going to have to cough up in money earned beyond the dowry to keep this woman and her tribe in countenance. A new fangled “comfort” is spreading throughout London.
Southey’s tone is not harsh, but he makes some subtle points which are relevant still: such as “this metropolis of fashion” is actually growing more “monotonous in appearance” because of the need to appeal to this broader swathe of upper class or aspiring types. He can’t get over the windows and the verandas – which make a place colder. For the first time I realize the veranda in Persuasion which the Mary Musgrave and Charles are proud of is ludicrous in their climate. Part of the point.
Letter 12 a serious disquisition on larger politics. Southey shows that most people did not understand why a peace treaty had emerged, nor who the individuals in the parties were or what was at stake. He doesn’t say a lot (protecting himself) but enough to suggest it’s a matter of individuals jockeying for position. Here his not being a Spaniard is plain (the way he discusses Ireland). He is with Pitt for Peace and admires Addington
Letters 13 and 14 give real descriptions of typical rooms in London and typical dress, not so satirically presented. A production design person for a costume drama could do worse than read this. Details of furniture, of conveniences, of hats. Chapter 15 gives us the meals Londoners ate, the luxuries. This again brings out Southey’s humanity when it comes to animals. How savage and shocking really the brutal treatment of the animals in butcheries. Southey comes up close and gives details, we are to feel for these sheep covered wit their own blood, herded mercilessly and sometimes slaughtered slowly for fun. He makes us aware how much of the food on the English table comes from elsewhere. Also again politics. A law against brewing or roasting your own coffee to protect an industry. A long piece on the brutal uses of chimney sweeps – here as a Spaniard he can make points.
A great deal of the pleasure is in the style, natural, easy yet not infrequently aphoristic, as in: “If humanity is in better natures an instinct, no instinct is so easily deadened, and in the mass of mankind it seems not to exist. There’s some fun, like a rage for conveniences, the new ingenious mechanics and inventions (e.g., corkscrews). I’m with Southey on innovation
A letter on espionage — not for politics but revenue. We see how people preyed upon one another to snitch to the revenue officer such that vast protection rackets emerged. I felt I was reading a Dickens novel or material for one.
Letter 17: there is a realistic description of the insecurity and fragileness of the theater building itself as well as a funny treatment of the audience’s behavior: Southey is part of the modern (group who want quiet in a theater, who have come there to see the show, and such a segment of the audience was not the dominant force until later in the 19th century. I re-read Southey’s funny chapter on the rage for “comfort.” In 1807 these “proud islanders” seemed to want to enjoy themselves and have many conveniences and they could do so and get all sorts of things in London.
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Drury Lane Theater, mid-18th century
Letters 18 – 20
Letter 18 is about Drury-Lane Theater and our Spanish friend, Espriella, goes to a performance of The Winter’s Tale, which on one level astonishes him for its splendour, size (so many people brought together), beauty (richness and light).
However, the performance left much to be desired. I felt I was reading a cross between Charles Lamb dismayed at what in reality people can do on a stage when they try to enact something adequate to Shakespeare’s conceptions and a Voltaire-like take on the absurdities of the half-wild half-madness of a Shakespeare play. Not that he does not take time out to describe the impressiveness of Mrs Siddon’s arresting Hermione (surpassing in theatrical effect is what he called her performance, costume, presence), with a little on Kemble as Leontes.
Then the afterpiece which sounds like a full play in its own right of Don Juan — no playwright is named. He emphasizes the ending of whatever it was he saw, the statue saying this seemed to be the favorite part of the spectacle and himself found it a “high style of fancy, truly fine and terrifice. The sound of his marble footsteps upon the atage struck a dead silence throughout house.”
As a Spaniard he complains English writers are not very respectful of the Spanish stage or audience while their audiences continue to “delight in one of the most monstrous of our dramas.” About the content or themes, he has nothing to do. Austen does mention Don Juan and it’s a a cruel monster of depravity (despite the comedy).
I recently re-read Trollope’s Barchester Towers and he has a long rant by his narrator decrying the awfulness of sermons; Southey’s apparently milder send-up of these awful sermons is actually more radical in its content. Trollope protests against the boredom, egoism, and stupidity of what’s said without giving any idea of the probable content. Southey gives an idea of the content (moral and theological) and then tells of the trading and business of sermon-selling, sharing, the creation of “outlines” sold. He says the popular preachers are those most into histrionics and those who give upbeat accounts of the world which never trouble or disquiet the unthinking norms of their listeners at all. He gives a general outline and mocks the kinds of quotations used (Ossian!). It’s a wolf in sheep’s clothing for (as I wrote last time) many of these preachers are acting to forward their careers, make deals outside the pulpit, somehow make small bits of money then too.
After I read Catherine Jones’s The passionate Sisterhood, Southey went up enormously in my estimation. He was the only one of these male romantics really to support the women he married (plus some of those he had not married but were his friends’ “women”), he inflicted least children on them; I was impressed by his habits of hard-work and genuine cooperation and sacrifice of himself (not quite enough to forgive the putdown of Bronte which I fear he did on other women, or not enough to forget it), and I’ve liked very much his occasional poetry, radical abolitionist verse and early radical play Wat Tyler. Now I see much more to the man in his thought.
Letter 19 is a description of an English church service and here the Spanish point of view is serviceable. He is an outsider, not sympathetic, seeing in. It’s like somebody from Mars retailing these curious behaviors. The rigid hierarchies (e.g., the powerful own or rent their pews)). One problem is that as a satire which gives real insight it falls flat. A methodist perspective would read the meaning into these details and de-construct them. I suspect Southey was aware the mask here freed him from having to say something dangerous (risky)
It’s a letter I can’t do justice to. Southey attempts to characterize the religious spirit or attitudes of the British people as it were from an anthropological point of view. He sees a lack of mysticism, looks at the specific customs that go with each festival (what’s eaten, rituals of medicine). He find traces of Catholic or high church behavior (icons, lights). In Spain much in daily life is calculated to remind people of religion; in the UK it’s utterly played down, down to the outfits the priests wear and how they marry.
He finds the religion of death is cut off — meaning religious practices which bring people in their minds in close proximity to the world of the dead. He finds this strange: no consolation offered, just cut off, as if there is nothing there on the other side. He talks of being cut off from one’s sorrow, not given rituals or ways actively to cope (prayers). I can’t make out if this is ironic, but I think not.
He says this schism did result in a Bible in English, clergy who preach in English. He seems to see no gain here. It’s imaginary the claim that Roman Catholics cannot read their Bible in the vernacular he says. All they must do is translate the Vulgate (an approved text of course). He says that they drink wine is at least one thing left to them — so “they are right to make the most of what they have.” As to marriage, it brings poverty, which gets him to how the clergy is more a sheer profession or career in the UK.
It was also in France and Spain too.
How clergymen are commercial adventurers selling and buying curacies.
Letter 20: a passion for collecting, from books to tulips. Each type with their devotees explained:
A long piece on flowers and the tulip rage elsewhere.
A fun part is about how people collect china and cats – cats. He maintains that the English believe there is no such thing as a male “tortoise-shell colored cat.” Well there are. Court cases not so funny of someone suborning one another and trying to get someone hanged so he can get his hands on a certain kind of farthing.
I found of real interest Southey’s description of physical books, what people with mania collect (margins, tall books, rarities). The good is to preserve volumes that would otherwise perish. Private people allow others to use their collections (a class bias and connections would come in here though) and then Southey explodes in complaints about how public libraries run; badly managed, absurd restrictions. The want of convents is here deplored — in Spain did such places keep libraries open to the public?.
Letter 20: He of course is against the total want of respect for the Virgin Mary, “cold unimpassionated uninteresting” when it comes to stories, all moral lecture.
The best thing is the ambition of the preacher or clergyman, what they are there to get for themselves – rendered comically but there.
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Cover illustration for volume of gothic stories by women, Restless Spirits
Letters 21 – 25
From collecting as a significant habit of the English, Southey moves (Letter 22) onto coins as such (what they look like, how made, how recently debased and diminished, then a history of money (physical money), paper circulation and finally forgery and its dread punishments (hanging, remorseless and very
hard to get off). In this free-shaped sort of book, he can then extend his
remarks and there is an insightful discussion of the rationales given for
the draconian punishments for forgery, stealing and petty theft at the time.
Southey moves beyond the usual, we have to defend the reality of money, to a
more general principle I’ve never seen enunciated. A punishment should be
harsh not in accordance with the violence or cruelty of the crime itself,
but how easy it is to be done. I was startled. According to this, then
smoking marijuana should perhaps get torture? But such was the supposed
rationale. I rush to say this section by Southey is informed by his
rejection of such inhumanity, rigor and he is as against putting people into
prison for debt as Johnson in his famous Ramblers was, but I’ve never seen
the rationale before. Southey then speaks to this rationale: if it be that a
punishment should be fitted to the ease of the crime, he says the community
must make the crime harder. He comes out with suggestions of how to make it
hard to forge a note. He suggests something hard to engrave which is large
and visible to the common eye, and shows how this may be done.
Perhaps he means to expose this rationale as hypocritical, but as other of
his sections I’m not sure he is ironical here.
Then to the city, and where else but Westminster Abbey (Letter 23). The three
foundings (it was founded, then refounded, and then rebuilt). First when it
was converted from a temple of Apollo (Diocletian) and its second place
after Gastonbury Abbey; the miracle story told to explain this. Southey has
some fun with this, and then turns about and says anyone who says he does
wrong to tell such bogus nonsense would be wrong, for it is “important to
know what has been believed, whether it be truth or not.” He is
anthropological in this book. And sceptical too: no individual opinion can
be a “standard of truth” either. The ravages of the Danes, the long period
of the Tudors with gothic rebuilding. Southey as a Spaniard is against the
puritanical destructions; “instead of erecting tombs, their delight was to
deface the old.”
This leads into an interesting discussion of the gothic. In an earlier
chapter Southey had said the English are not mystic, and looks at these
monuments as symbols of power and prestige — Newton on one and the Earl of
Stanhope on another great pile. He gets a kick out of referring to Cromwell
(whose bones were dug up and thrown out and tomb destroyed) as “the
celebrated usurper.”
The strangeness of going round looking at tombs which moves into a portrait
of a verger who emerges as a gothic figure (in the genre sense) himself.
After the portrait of the gothic-like verger (Letter 23), we move round Westminster and our Spanish conductor tells us how the English have this habit of touching everything and you can find little quarrels played out by paying attention to what’s defaced or ruined. If they hate a book, they”ll cut out a leaf in it. He points to a major monument to Major Andre, hanged by Washington as a spy; the story is told in relief. Well it’s head was struck off after someone else struck off Washington’s (as a traitor). He ends saying that if the public “were indiscriminately admitted” into many of the public places, including churches, “everything valuable … would soon be destroyed.”
So much for the happy camper theory of contented non-violent English people.
Then skin and hair color and names (Letter 24). Southey offers the idea that the complexions and hair colors of English people show their favorite myths about their origins of themselves cannot be. If Celts were had fair hair and eyes, where does all this dark hair, dark eyes, and swarthy (brownish) skin come from. (Alas, he had not Steve Olson’s Mapping Human History to refer us to.)
Then names: how they reflect identity politics (the Bible), partisan ship (politics), snobbery (Cecilia Amelia and Wilhemina now shoving out Bridget, Joan and Dorothy; how abbreviations are formed, fashions from war heroes (news-stories of the day — like people today naming their children after favorite TV characters).
Months are latin-derived but not days and the “Saxon Paganism” of these leads him to say how no one in England gets married on a Friday; superstition denominates that bad luck.. St Swithin’s and valentine’s day (which Austen wrote her last poem when she lay dying upon). He sees this as sad vestiges of Catholicism, as well as their statuary Again I can’t tell if he’s ironic or which is his target (Spanish customs or English) or perhaps human nature itself as comical.
Ch 25: the prevalence of “vermin” everywhere (bed bugs) leads to foxes and fox-hunting and by a natural transition back to something more felt: Southey’s feeling for animals. The regulation shooting — murdering of birds — which in similar terms Austen dislikes. This wholesale butchery is described and what results from or swirls round it. The poaching laws which make it illegal for ordinary people to kill in order to have something to eat. Sales everywhere and sale signs too (including coaches), larders of inns supplied — in Southey’s account this gross killing is not done just for sport, but to make money, to sell the animals for food. He says the real reason more middling farmers resent the killing because they are not profiting. And the section ends:
“Some species by these continual persecutions have been quite rooted out, others are nearly extinct, and others only to be found in remote parts of the island. Sportsmen lament this, and naturalists lament it also with better reason.”
He would support Jane Goodall and the environmental as well as pro-animal lobbies today. The use of the word “persecution” is right. What have these animals done to be so persecuted? And it fits his persona too.
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Samuel Fildes (1848-1927), Applicants to a Casual Ward (1844)
Letter 26
The “field sports” lead to a chapter on the poor laws and workhouses which is immense, and one Southey shows much compassion and thought in. for the reader of 2011 that I summarize it separately. Southey’s description of the way the poor were treated in 1807 and the attitudes underlying this treatment is directly parallel to the treatment we see meted out to the poor (unemployed, people getting food stamps, disabled people) today.
He begins by saying with the Spanish “charity is a religious duty”. He then basically dismisses what the Spanish do, saying only they “support the poor” by alms, hardly adequate.
His interest is England. It’s a matter of law. So he goes back to Elizabethan times, the dissolution of the monasteries and describes the “disgrace” of the poor laws. These are supported by a system of parish taxation which is seen by those who pay the taxes as a grievance.
The agents are “overseers” and the office so troublesome only lower middle people do it, and they do it with “rigid parsimony.” They are lavish with their own enjoyments (salaries they get for doing this work). Each penny is given reluctantly and made to “feel his poverty as a reproach.”
This system is backed up by a “worst evil:” each parish bound to provide for its poor works hard to throw out everyone else no matter how sick, how desperate. “There is no liberty in England for the poor.” Anyone not belonging to a parish and poor is “apprehended as if he were a criminal” and “sent back to his parish.” Women giving birth are thrown out while doing so.
He says the “principle” of the poor laws is that the price of labor is enough to support a family; if the season is unusually hard, the parish assists them. Otherwise not. Southey says this behavior is backed up by the notion if you give poor people more than subsistence they will waste it in riot, drink or worse yet be idle. “Plausible” as this seems (Southey’s irony I’m beginning to see is very quiet), it’s “fallacious” and cruel. It assumes as its “as is the depravity of human nature.” In fact were the poor to have more than subsistence, they would and do when this happens save, live healthier more productive lives with opportunities for advancement from education.
But no one pays attention to this.
When the poor grow too old to work, they are thrown in workhouses. Humiliated by being forbidden to live as adults (separated from spouses so no sex can go on). The kind of people who work in work houses are those who get no better situation. Any children here grow up without love. For an older person it is particularly “heart-breaking” to be subjected to “harsh and unfeeling authority” from someone much younger “neither better born or bred,” just as often worse.
England boasts of its wealth, but it has huge numbers of people living in abysmal poverty. Southey then depicts a typical street in London and villages in winter. Riots break out in times of scarcity and the reaction is draconian punishment (this happens in Graham’s Four Swansthe novel I’m just now reading).
Beyond what human nature is, Southey fingers “the manufacturing system” as the “main cause” of all this misery. It is the “inevitable tendency of that system to multiply the number of the poor, and to make them vicious, diseased and miserable”. Rousseau is see by Southey (perhaps ironically) as committing “high treason” against “human nature” and blaspheming “Omniscient Goodness” by his comparing people in savage to people in social states. But Southey says then that they “who say society ought to stop where it is; that it has no further amelioration to expect, do not less blaspheme the one [God] and betray the other [human nature?]. As now set up the improvements of society do not reach the poor. The gentry are better lodged, better educated, but the poor live as “the slaves of old,” work hard, badly bed, not well taught at all [I add it's in no one's interest to teach them]. He says if we compare the well off in social states (modern) we see they have “full enjoyment of all” their powers, bodily and intellectual.” In savage states all have equal access to what is on offer, and he concludes therefore it’s better for poor people to be born in primitive society “than in a civilized country, where he is in fact the victim of the civilization”.
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St Paul’s Cathedral, London (photo)
Letters 27 – 30
Chapter 27 takes us through St Paul’s in the same thorough way as our
narrator took us through Wesminster (the monuments, the nakedness of the
church — to a catholic — its summit and a sublime view; this leads to Ch
27 all about Catholicism in England. It’s hard for me to grasp where Southey
is, much of it seems sympathetic to Catholics yet I read he disliked
Catholicism intensely — all his talk about nuns escaping persecution just
doesn’t feel ironic. I have a similar problem with the next chapter, on
non-conformity. I do think the underlying narrator is intensely sympathetic;
the point is made over and over that the establishment has nothing to fear
from either group and seems at heart against persecutions: of catholics or
nonconformists. But again I’ve read Southey opposed the extensions of the
franchise.
Then a lovely travelogue type chapter on the pictures, seaside places, which
is made to have some bite because Southey says such places have really grown
up as place where “parents” try to dispose of their daughters. (This has
connections to the Austen letters where the parents have brought the
daughters to Bath and then tour, except all the girls meet are other poor
fringe young women, mostly unmarried.)
Espriella is going to the lake district – where we (and Southey’s first readers) knew he lived.
Chapter 30 is a sort of satire and exposure of the picturesque. Southey’s theme is how “within the last thirty years a taste for the picturesque has sprung up; — and a course of summer traveling is now looked upon to be as essential as ever a course of physic was in old times …” Some flock to the shore, others to the mountains, some to lakes, yet more to Scotland …
Thus his commentary in his travelogue that people do this to palm off their unmarried daughters, to show off their material goods, as a form of conspicuous consumption (though he doesn’t use the term that’s what he means), enrichening Bath and doctors and encouraging mountebanks is attached to this new movement.
He would have approved of Marianne Dashwood’s satire on the use of cliched language.
Nonetheless, he is eager to set forth, and we get him packing and heading for the lake district. He does not go there directly but begins at a stage coach to Oxford and he provides a realistic yet comic description of what it was like to travel inside, on top of a coach and four just laden down with luggage, and what ensues is a very interesting description of the landscape and places.
Still reading this one — albeit very slowly — Southey turns just charming (there’s no other word for it) as he begins to travel in group of picturesque seeming places. As he says “it’s impossible not to like the villas” one sees as a tourist, “so much opulence, and so much ornament is visible about them,” all orderly and aesthetically so consoling. He has his narrator stand in the middle of a corn field looking about Oxford: it’s as good as a costume drama film adaptation (see p. 172). The only drawback is some of what happens in inns, for example, the habit of “calling for wine which you know to be bad, and paying an extravagant price for what you’d rather not drink” (p. 171)
He just celebrates Oxford — probably this reflects him as a reading man while threading in the bloody history of individuals; the services in the library, the kinds of degrees available, the history of the Bodleian, and then comes to the Cotswolds — wholesome with much being grown and farmlands everywhere. Not picturesque, better than that he says (so he agrees with Edward Ferrars in the dialogue with Marianne where she complains about cliched ideas and he sasy he prefers to see prosperous farmers, sunny skies, clean roads).
What is good is shown stoutly to be good. He doesn’t satirize to satirize at all.
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Christ Church, Oxford (photo)
Letters 32 – 35
Very soothing late at night last night. He doesn’t just celebrate Oxford but brings out lovely things (the old bells with their huge sounds and names) and funny oddities that have changed: he mourns the disappearance of the old topiary once made out of yew,and he points out the irony that these colleges were founded as religious places by the church at the time Catholic, but now Catholics and dissenters are excluded. He does point out how no degrees are gotten by most of the young men; Oxford is there for divinity study. To do law you go to London, medicine Edinburgh, music where the musician pleases. The exams though have been made real, not just pretend going-through the motions as they were before 1800. Protestantism does not build monumental buildings so the people have to depend on the vanity of donors (not to worry) and the buildings are often built for science or knowledge rather than religion.
When he moves on to Godstow he retells the story of Rosamund first poignantly and then (in effect) deconstructs it: tells what probably happened and ironically suggests why the distance.
The beauty of the landscape is presented under the aspect of its uses. What hops look like, how grown, the uses is typical.
I now think the reason I can’t tell when he is satirizing the UK through the persona of a catholic Spaniard and sympathetic to the Spanish, is he’s not clear in his mind about it. He says how in Spain the libraries are very generous and lend out their books to all who come; in Oxford you have to be let in and then the books are chained. It could also just be this anthropological thrust of the book.
But when all is said of the serious content what is striking is Southey’s poetic prose at times and his sudden turn to depth of passion and compassion, an appreciation of the strangenesses and cruelties of life. There’s a long description of Oxford seen during a lightning storm that I’ll scan in for my blog, here’s a bit:
The tower, the bridge, the trees, and the long street, were made as distinct as at noon-day, only without the colours of the day, and with darker shadows — the shadows, indeed, being utterly black. The lightning came not in flashes, but in sheets of flame, quivering and hanging in the sky with visible duration. At times it seemed as if the heaven had opened to the right and left, and permitted a momentary sight of the throne of fire” (pp. 179-80).
I was very moved by a tale of a young mentally retarded or disturbed young man taken care of all his life by his mother who Southey says probably did love having him with her as he so loved her. When she died, he could not understand or appreciate what was happening when she was buried. He went and dug her up, and took her corpse home and attempted to feed her, and Southey gives us this gothic poignant scene complete with dialogue of the poor young man hovering over this dead hand and face says “why d’ye look so pale, mother? why be you so cold?” (p. 191)
We are left to wonder what happen to him as the carriage and narrative moves on to the next day and place.
For the rest of the book, see comments.
Ellen

Letters 32 – 36:
Southey’s Letters from England, Chs 36-38
These letters constitute a strong critique of the capitalist industrialist system of the UK: Southey exposes the harsh inequalities and pretenses of how the new technologies are making life wonderful for everyone; he exposes the brutal use of children (long hours of harsh work, no education, diseased and broken by the time they reach their twenties), women do the business of in effect buying children from parents and sending them to other places in the coutnry, the destruction of decent values by the new ethics, of the landscape — some of what he says could be a description of the US congress or UK parliament) when he shows Parliamentary members ruthlessly giving themselves alls sorts of money, positions, and plums and at the same time increasing the misery of the larger population by laws they know repress, imprison, segregate, isolate exclude them. The gun trade with guns going to Africa — themselves shown to be of rotten manufacture liable to destroy the people using them — not that it matters since they are used to enslave people.
I think he has Burke in mind for a long stretch. He is answering him when he describes how “wise polticians” set up a serieds of measures deliberately to ruin France and its revolution — teaching me again if I needed to know this that 20th century imperialist powers across the globe didn’t have to be taught what to do.
The depiction of the looks of Birmingham, of Manchester and “the perncious effects of the manufacturing system” as depriving people of any leisure. He is himself astonished at how people will sell their children, will seek the worst work for a tiny increase in income (that’s because he is not himself subject to such desperation). There is no irony when Southey as a Spaniard praises Catholicism as at least insisting on one free day for workers.
He points out how small but effective changes can seem to work miracles. The post now reaches people. What happened was one person was hired for each coach with a big gun and the postmen were to use these coaches. (My guess, not said by Southey, is for the first time powerful people wanted to get their post, the manufacturing and business people.)
The trips to the Cathedrales with their list of 12 to 13th century clericals and romance descriptions are given an accurate context and placed by such chapters.
Southey gets a wholly unfair press by the general reader I now see.
E.M.
Letters 39 – 41:
Letter 39 Southey has not yet moved from the evils of the industrial capitalist system. From the last paragraph about “throwing workers out of employ, . . .is seldom effected without riots and executions,” we move to Manchester where he says you need to imagine 80,000 people stuffed into labyrinthine streets, houses all built of brick, blackened with smoke, large as convents some, w/o antiquity, w/o beauty, tremendous noise and bells calling workers to work (not people to church) and you’ve got the materials.
He was glad to leave and they get on a barge and are off to Chester. How remarkable the barge, like a home (kitchen, cellar, drawing room, outdoors too) on water, dragged up by horses, and that England now intersected everywhere by canals. He describes these comically yet realistically and say the great engineer Brindley asked what he thought rivers were for by someone in the House of Commons, replied: “to feed navigable canals.” Much preferable to coaches, which however they had to switch to eventually.
I really enjoyed the description of Chester personally because I’ve been there. I’ve walked on the walls, and know the citizens at some point built a kind of upstairs all over the city, so you can climb up to another level (as it were) and walk that way. I still remember seeing Woolworth’s from one such platform.
But from there he notices a prison and is startled to see how it’s built to be picturesque on the outside as something to be proud of, we are launched into a long sombre piece on the horrors of prisons and the values of the English which build these.He does appear to think justice is meted out to the wealthy and powerful almost equally, but apart from that this is a fine critique of prisons now and then from the point of view of humanity and values. By this time the system of isolating and watching people had emerged Onto characteristic crimes which allows for a Swifitan ironic portrait of national propensities; where crime seems less it might be a case of “the weasel fares better than the wolf …” How horrible to string corpses up on the road and he moves to the law which is so savage.
Liverpool next, only one fine street, the center of the slave trade. Warehouses, the exchange but it does have a hospital for horses. So something to commend but he goes on to talk of how fortunes are made in this place, and the beauty of the unnnatural, difficult to navigate harbor, producing a pictorial scene worthy Vernet. And he commends public library system that has grown up and determined philanthropists and progressive who keep getting together to build social civic improvements.
If only we had that now …
Then a leading literati, William Roscoe who wrote a life of Lorenzo de Medici now translated into Italian. This catches my eye as an important early source for my work on Vittoria Colonna was Roscoe’s wife’s book: Maria Roscoe never mentioned is the central source for a mid-20th century biographer and many translators too: she wrote the first lone life and translated many of the poems. Her book has mistakes and she is very Victorian in her attitudes, but she gives the outline which has not (probably unfortunately) conventionally changed much.
And now to Kendal by coach. You just don’t move into the lake district for there is gradual changed from kilns, manufacturers of drugs in Kendal, to Preston a large manufacturing town (now a desert of unemployment). Lancaster, the ruins of a castle, an inn where the “land of promise” is anticipated by his seeing the mountains to come from a window and buying a Guide. Typical fare Southey would know: char fish.
Letter 41 they start their walking tour, with umbrellas as walking sticks, knapsacks. Kendal does have a catholic church Mary built up on behalf of her father (to get him to heaven). It rains and we get a description of them coping with that and all the carts about, and at last a kind of equivalent of a Radcliffe vision, only more pragmatic — sublime scene of a lack with an island and round house on it and lower a river passing by into the distance .
This is pure poetry in prose (pp. 228-30). If I had the time I’d simply scan it in. After describing their arduous walking, the lakes, mountains, the sunlight, the ferries, the castellated building absurd outside but like a fantasy dream in, Southey remarks: “Kingdoms, it is said, are never so happy as during those years when they furnish nothing for historians to record: I think of this now, when feeling how happy I have been to-day, and how little able I am to describe this happiness” (p. 230).
The smallness of the scale of some highly varied parts of the country; the madness of some of the people (one man driving a carriage where he was sitting backwards — doubtless a bet says Southey), and then (he does not omit) the desperate poverty of many of the inhabitants. Southey goes into their hovels, shares their bare bread, and looks out the window: views stunning albeit ever transitory; he says he detests one super rich lord and “finds it as impertinent and offensive” as an old buffoon in a Spanish play (he cites).
They have been tormented by the insects, far more nervy than mere mosquitoes, these fly in your face in daytime (one of those species chosen to be the plagues of Egypt).
I do not feel Southey has indulged in false and pseudo-happy complacent presentation anywhere.
E.M.
Letters 42 – 45
These letters continue the remarkable imagery of the previous: the geography and continuation of the Lake District. Mostly Southey relies not on Gods or Goddesses or any fable story, but an exacting splendid visualization.
He also recreates in words the worlds the later 18th century sentimental tales and picturesque paintings made so alluring (think Marmontel): they were not to live in but to pass through it’s sublime. Southey does not let us forget — and his 1951 editor helps with notes: for example, one mine in the area provides lead for pencils; the miners were permitted to work there only under heavy guard — lest they steal to increase their miserable pittance. They were stripped when they left work.
This is a mountain climbing section, a wretched alehouse visiting section, dark lakes, a long interlude until they return to “civilization” and a comfortable (middle class inn) near Keswick.
When Southey leaves the lake district, he goes to Carlisle and into a gothic cathedral and produced a fine piece on the effect of light in the place. He argues for “sylvan” origin for gothic architecture. How trees and forest land are embodied in things like buttresses. But it is clear he is no Catholic in the semi-mock way he treats images … his mask (feeble really) breaks down …
Cumberland, the Border countryside. Again Southey really describes what distinguishes the geography and buildings (heavy walls), the stories of Banditti and local feuds are used to epitomize the local culture. He meets a woman walking barefoot and remarks how much comfort people here get thinking about how in Scotland life is even harder. A typical breakfast and then he comes across the tomb of Anne Clifford (as she’s called today), that stubborn tenacious Dowager of Pembroke. Without having read post-19th century accounts and the diaries, Southey seems to have an idea of her character and what makes her admirable.
I kept on reading as he moved into Appleby, deeper Westmoreland (so to speak) but see I need to reread. I never mentioned his description of Keswick. After this one I appreciate why contemporary gothics like Hill’s Woman in Black have been set there.
Snail’s pace: the dreary character of Westmoreland (though I feel bound to say Anthony Trollope loved it precisely for that — see Can You Forgive her? see the Vavasour house and the walks through the moors). Southey says he’s seen nothing so desolate since Cornwall: ‘the sky is as cheerless as the earth.” OTOH, children in grazing countryside appear to enjoy themselves mightily. He mights a “interesting lad wit a quick eye and dyspepcic countenance,” and imagines him someday an apprentice or at a lawyer’s desk and “die for want of fresh air.” His companion ‘a fine, thriving, thick-headed fellow, with a bottle belly and a bulbous nose: of that happy and swinish temperament that it might be sworn he would feed and fatten wherever he went” (p. 260). The economical and spartan schools where what is taught is only the practical. There is a pretense at Latin, but only grammar no reading so Southey knows nothing is learnt. The children (boys) enact plays and even have movable scenery.
The 1951 editor reminds us though that Dickens based Dotheboys in _Nicholas Nickleby_ from what he saw of schools in this district in 1838.
York minster: I enjoyed this part because I’ve been to that minister as well as the city and his description reminded me of what I saw. Again a boy: Southey keeps hearing “There he goes” repeatedly until he asks about it. A young man of a decent appearance who is continually ridiculed, and Southey inveighs against this: “I may here remark [age and deformity] are always objects of ridicule in England: it is disgraceful to the nation to see how the rabble boys are permitted to torment a poor idiot, if they find one in the streets” (p,. 263)
It’s from this impulse that Southey’s hatred of slavery, empathy with animals also comes:.
Leaving York and on their way to Lincoln by coach: the landscape steep and scary; how much they were overcharged, how dangerously the coach man drove, which ends on an account of how the horse was “almost killed” by the way the driver treated her. The mare fell into a bottom and both Southey and his friend asked the dman to “cut the traces instantly and let the horse loose” — she was fightened and plunging.” He hesitated and after a while she calmed. They had to drag the chaise up a hill and sit upon a wall waiting for another car with carthorse (p. 265).
E.M.
Letters 46 – 48:
The letter on universities feels eeriely contemporary: Southey is answering people who are complaining that universities are useless. It is a provision for the mind that is gotten for the person’s life; it’s the associates he (it’s a he always) meets and has to match minds with, the attachments he makes — he makes it sound very much improved from the 18th century.
He turns to Newmarket and we get a quiet but real satire on the developing sport: again he inveighs against the cruelty to horses (and made me wonder how horses are treated today), makes fun of the newly emerging jockey type (aware the man is trying desperately to make a living on his body type). Snobbery creeps in when Southey almost forgets to call it “a profession.” It’s a “trade” you see.
Two whole worlds conjured up: the colleges, the race courses, the latter encouraging a very different set of feelings as he moves on to tell us of a Middlesex election.
It’s really a work of dense genius in the travel poetic political epistolary life-writing kind
A remarkable chapter, showing the variety of the book. Southey details, names names of specific elections and legal procedures, all revealing how corrupt and ruthless and useless to the average person were elections in 1807. He begins with Middlesex where the prison that housed the victims of the 1790s suspension of the Habeas Corpus act were put; they were treated abominably. Southey says the judicious thing would have been to treat them decently to show the justice of the English system, but instead they were punished mercilessly and when they complained and Sir Francis Burdett on their behalf, it was denied. He describes Pitt as predominantly proud and obstinate and refusing to do anything, a series of elections where Burdett actually won and was thrown out. The whole thing striking for what it says.
Electioneernig “a game at which every kind of deceit seems considered lawful.” So we hear about Nottingham and the use of ducking to the level of murder. Interestingly demonstrations at the time included either having or being accused of having a symbolic tree of liberty and a French female figure as the goddess of reason. The French revolution was the symbol and reality fought over.
“Anything like election in the plain sense of the word is unknown in England.” Who owns what boroughs, how it’s done, how the seats are sold as parts of property, the whole thing a visible sham. Only in large cities is there a chance for anything like a trial of public opinion. Then he goes through the tricks played in big cities to obviate any fair result. Bribery is central. What happens in the mob scenes of public voting.
Southey is for the secret ballot and the editor of the 1951 edition says this shows he was still in his radical phase for no one who was anyone was publicly for that in 1807.
One evil result is there are very few men of genuine talent in Parliament. The reason they can get away with that is that the enforcement of tyranny makes it impossible for there to be a real crisis for the wealthy and powerful so they just stumble along.
He marvels how England has this reputation in Europe for liberty.
Something happened between 1807 and 1832 we must suppose to make the upper class yield a little.
E.M.
Letters 49-75
Southey abandons all pretense of travelogue — to some extent travel books are a pretense: the person either does travel and then sits down to record the trip attaching to it as he or she goes along associative meditations. Or he or she doesn’t travel, at least in quite the way claimed. No one is on oath writing a travel book I’ve discovered.
The last letters become straight anthropology, sociology, fashions in clothing, to quacks, to animal magnetism, blasphemy, Wesley and Whitefield, followers,William Huntington (one of these idnividuals who gather a pack of religious types) tithes, which leads to disquisitions on methodism,
English credulity (likely enough), then by association newspapers, circulating libraries, quakers, persecution of, Snow, playing cards (what they forbid), commerce, expansion of peerage, then to danger of revolution, Swedenborgianism,, Jews, their conversion, Jews in trade, Thomas Tryon, to finally back to the travel books again as he sails down the Thames.
And the travelogue (exposed by this time as a pose) begins again going through London.
On C18-l it was asked if we could recommend a book which might set a young student in 18th century England — I can think of no better I’ve ever come across than this one.
What I see now is this last phase of the book is in effect a disquisition on religion in England in the era. Tellingly, showing his scepticism the section grows out of a fascinating chapter on the vagaries and absurdities of fashion in clothes. You want to know what men wore, what shoes were like, read Southey’s Letter 49.
This leads to quacks, who abounded in this desperate era. One of the brilliances of this section is how some chapters are about medicine which in this era is bound up with religious belief as it is in most pre-scientific societies.
I had better amend that: today in the year 2011 we are not a scientific society; most people do not want to hear what science really has to say to them and follow all sort of witch-doctor remedies — defined as those things we are urged to do where there is no proof that what is urged does any good at all.
But it is true that societies which don’t have any institutions or learning in and through scientists are much franker about their voodoo practices. Chapter 50 is about the credulity of the English, but really about the credulity of human nature when faced with illness. Southey tries for a satiric perspective as a Catholic but it doesn’t come off.
Some kindly insights as he goes along: “Sickness humbles the pride of men; it forces upon him a sens of his own weakness, and … Powers therefore which make wise men devout, makes the ignorant superstitious. He goes through some of these remedies and has one funny paragraph he calls
Every Man His Own Poisoner (p. 297). This is quite a long letter. How does people find out about these remedies: well, newspapers. Newspapers do not fare very well in Southey’s Letters from England.
Then a remarkable semi-satiric or quiet account of the “science of animal magnetism” which exposes how easy it is to pretend to be moving the little molecules about. I recommend Chapters 51 and 52 as a redaction of a popular book at the time: Mainauduc’s Lectures. I’ve wondered what was meant and didn’t realize it was a pseudo-science again justifying things like bleeding, cupping, emetics.
And then we are into the sects. Methodism first Southey offers a candid account of the Wesley and Whitfield, how they first attracted followers, the behavior of their followers in church and how this could not be tolerated by the established clergy — he omits the politicial angle you find so strong in Graham. What Southey concentrates on is this doctrine of election and whether “good works” counts.
I have ever wondered why this becomes so central. Perhaps because people don’t want to do good works? and thus want some system where they don’t have to? It’s not put this way of course. Wesley and Whitfield disagreed on fine points of this doctrine, with Wesley far more Calvinistic, far more allowing for any strength in human nature to help itself,
How did Wesley spread his word? He never left his preachers in one place. They were to travel — proselytizing of course and as people remark often in prisons. According to Southey, Wesley did not want to separate from the Anglican establishment and were content to preach when the established sects left the church open. Wesleyans rented these places?
The Whitfield party (Southey says) ‘went a surer way to work” and genuinely broke away, directly argued with the 39 articles and thus they grew much more as they were seen as separate, a real revolt. Southey here is suddenly quiet about the economic and political aspects of this, only saying they added to the kind of thinking that led to the French revolution “and Mr Priestley”. He describes the sermons, the refusals to resort to things of the imagination, and how this dissent is gaining ground.
As a Catholic of course he is presented as sceptical of all these sects; Wesley and Whitfield become outgrowths of a sect breaking away from Catholicism.
E.M.
Letters 53 – 57
And then an account of nutty (forgive me) charismatics which I’ll reread and bring up next time as well as the important area of who goes to get the tithes.
Southey continues his exploration of England from the angle of religious beliefs, superstitions, sects. What I found valuable in my last posting on the earlier section and unusual is his not looking at religion from the point of view of political rebellion but a modern angle of how it relates to medical science. (A good novel by Andrew Miller delves this in Bath through historical fiction: _Ingenious Pain_)
But now he turns back to a more common satirical perspective of class, money, cliques. One angle I do miss is he rarely goes over women as such. Women as a category is not one he approaches.
I never mentioned one reason Southey said Whitfield was beating out Wesley as _the_ methodist group to have to cope with is by setting up congregrations separate from the Anglican (based on doctrinal differences), Whitfield calls to his aid the _income_ of the congregation. It’s sine qua non that they will not want to pay tithes to churches they don’t go to; that then they have this tithe money (not excess, like our own taxes in the US on the middling and poor, they take from you what you need, not anything superfluous) which the methodists can try to sluice off (pp. 324-25)
I had gotten up to one ecstatic: William Huntington. Southey begins with his origins and class and social background: coal heaver who others picked up and dressed socially acceptably. Southey retraces the man’s spiel showing us at each point how it appeals to class deprived, credulous people. The theme of the whole section is the credulity of the average person. Well God comes to Huntington, elects him, favors him and all his stories go to suggest God will do this to you too.
Letters (they are not chapters but letters) 54 and 55 go over the Bible and newspapers. The same spirit of deep scepticism one finds in Thomas Paine in his Age of Reason (an analysis and also send-up of the Bible) improbably guides our Spanish narrator to show how the average person reads the Bible. But what in Paine is an uproarious send-up and exposure, is here Southey imagining some ordinary working or servant type (he does not say so) coming away from the Bible with “comfort” because he or so reads so personally. At the same time he has people reading it who speak up that what’s in it “is the word of the devil” because what is taught is pernicious wickedness (the savage stories of the old testament) and the inference that she must be obedient and resign herself to her life absurd. The woman parishioner is told “Give water no passage; neither a wicken woman liberty.”
To her credit in Southey’s book she gets up and walks out. Graham has scenes lke this (fictional) where methodists get up from the Anglican church and walk out; Jud Paynter, the Sancho Panza of the book, presents a funny jaundiced reaction which is just as corrosive of the phoniness and delusions of anglican services and he protests having to wait for the upper class familes to get into “their” pews before the service will even start.
I’ll pass by the letter filled with beliefs is freaks (again things like woman born without arms who makes a living writing with her toes) nd crazy ideas (55). “anything in England will do for a show.” The thesis: “Nothing is too absurd to be believed in by the people of this country” — deluded nonsense about growing rich, crops, and also childbirths. What would he say of TV today?
A great chapter on Newspapers: their power, and their real nature. Only a tiny portion is on political news. He shows how they falsify intelligence; that those who write the paper are writing out of their own peculiar interests. Really how difficult to get up all these miscellaneous items.
A long section on advertisements. These provide the income. That they are mostly lies. Poetry in such newspapers, literary criticism and its perniciousness, personal agendas, we are told “the party spirit now extends to everything.” When did it not? “Baboons are said to have an antipathy to men” so critics are fuelled by that “sort of hatred.”‘
He’s really showing the press to have been as snide and sarky then and now as it sells.
As a literary person he’s most interested in how books are treated and sold through newspapers. He thinks the “greatest evil” of the book talk is how it makes “people neglect other forms of literature”.
Some of the satire reminds me of Austen: the snobberies of what’s valued. On C18-l they have been talking of fraktur letters used in Germany until the Nazis came in (yes they helped get rid of it); well here it’s valued as snobbery.
He goes over magazines and monthlies.Southey says “literature is, like everything tells, a trade in England — I might also call it a manufactory. ” He has a scene where a sycophantic (apparently) admirer of an author offers to write a review of his works. Pay him and he’s praise you to the skies is the fable idea. Scott had not started his strong career in this and they were not as yet venomously political the way they became within a few years of the romantics beginning to reach a public.
He mistakenly I think attributes the demand for utter relevance today to the newspaper critics. He ends on some one asking for Pope and Shakespeare’s latest works; what have they written that’s new. It’s rather the generality of human nature. I come across it in students all the time. Oh two years ago. I see it in poetry coteries today.
Utter relevance today as a requirement is a sign the person does not care for the books themselves, neither their content, or form nor style or reading experience or even what the package is like (why kindle is so easy to sell). Few people care about reading or books.
And I omitted a funny vignette (actually I omitted many): He has a scene where a sycophantic (apparently) admirer of an author offers to write a review of his works. Pay him and he’s praise you to the skies is the fable idea
And then we come to the Quakers.
E.M.
Letters 57-59: The Quakers; London Snow, Playing Cards
As this book was still in print as a respectable edition, and is now available for free by way of google, I suppose Southey’s portrait of the quakers and their persecution might have been influential. If so, it seems to me to reinforce what intelligent people in general might have thought. It’s not original in other words. He stresses their outward behavior and how what they refuse to do is political as well as social in implication and leads to their isolation: they won’t pay tithes (very bad), won’t go to war, do support their own poor and take the lead in every public charity; not gloomy or sullen but cheerful. IN 1807 they were being left alone but there has been a long history of fierce persecution. He tells of George Fox,and the 17th century: the Presbyterians’ fierce rigor, Charles II’s leniency (though he dreads their politics). James II stopped the persecution (himself wanting toleration for Catholics).
He himself has a tone of surprise at this sect when he gets more personal in tone; how they will not be provoked as a group (“no injustice, no cruelty, ever provoked them to anger”). Can that be? really? or is this partly a myth. It seems they had “subdued” the “most powerful instincts of human nature:” “resentment and self-defense.” They submitted to insults, blows to themselves and their wives and daughters. He here does call them “excellent people.” On the other hand, a little later he says they proceed on a fallacy about general human nature.
He does not ignore the religious tenets and experience behind Quakerism: I’d call it a conversion experience (outlined by William James in his Varieties of religious experience); they lay claim to miracles on their own behalf. He finds their discourses incoherent, but then he is not himself mystic at all. He is looking for reasoning applied to the conscience and can find none in the public meetings but rather versions of speaking with tongues
He is also surprised at their democratic structure. Yet for myself as a reader as I read about the organizational levels and how each month there is a meeting, I see ample opportunity for individual coercion and pressure. I mentioned how they controlled marriage of their members. Now he does come back to that in the end of his long chapter. By their laws “anyone who marries out of the pale of their society is dismissed from it”, that their principles make practicing in any of the professions difficult, they can’t find employment in commerce because of the distinctive plain way they dress. When they grow rich, their children desert the society — converted probably by a desire to go to the theater, dance, dress like others.
Then he suggests they will have a hard time lasting: “without persecution,or at least without opposition, the enthusiasm of a sect cannot be kept up — it is its food and fuel; and without it, it must starve and be extinguished.” They’ve been forced to live in cities because a lasting opposition has been country clergy who want their tithes.
He ends on how if they keep up and gradually (as he sees them doing) conform outwardly, they may come closer to the world’s norms and and lessen the main reason for their decline
Time out for a lovely poetic meditation on snow, at the same time as Southey does justice to how cold it gets in England. It’s intense and how many Xmas customs are meant to counter this.
The letter seems to me remarkably insightful. Very little in this cool vein had been written about Quakers; most who wrote would be personal in a egoistical way or political. Southey has no studies to refer back to. As the rest of the book there’s an sociological-anthropological feel to his text. Yes he cannot fathom the visionary behavior and (like Austen) looks for manifestations of religious behavior in socially moral behavior. Nowadays as a matter of course — and then in the new philosophers — as Hume, there was beginning to be a discourse about how one need not be religious to be moral and obviously that religious people could do very evil deeds. People had known this of course (since the religious wars it’s common knowledge) but to express it as a principle that religion is not necessary for morality was not common.
Yes that was my doubt I was registering. If it’s true that even in the privacy of their own homes quakers don’t explode at one another openly, the repression must be very strong. Southey’s idea that this demand people not aggress and fight back is not that human nature is innately good but rather that resentment and aggression and anger are very strong forces in human nature, and that’s what I think too. I can scarcely believe that quakers don’t get back quietly at one another; you’d have to work strong guilt into someone’s nature and people often read what they are doing as good even if to others it seems egregiously bad.
Southey does foresee the decline and in secular realistic terms.
Today I was listening to Middlemarch being read aloud by Nadia May – unabridged edition. Mr Brooke recommends Southey’s Peninsula war to Mr Causabon who of course has no time for these transient popularizations. Southey’s books have proved anything but transient; his Life of Nelson is still a starting point and I’ll bet his Peninsula war worth reading. He lived in Spain and Portugal I begin to wonder (my obsession I suppose) if Winston Graham read it for his later Poldark novels.
Customs from the quakers leads to chapter on cards and the different games people play and Hoyle’s book, at which he turns to a serious critique of the political and economic order of the day
E.M.
Letters 60 – 71
It will not believed, but I am seeing the telltale compression of pages that comes before the end.
Letter 60 is a brilliant analysis of the “manufacturing” system which Southey shows is utterly corrosive of family structures, is overturning the old ancien regime system but putting in its place a “worse tyranny.” He sees by allowing or encouraging people to value what is new (old stuff must go),what can be bought that is prestigious, including all the new honors and positions enables a new “degeneracy of feeling” towards one another. A coarseness of apprehension so we end up with casts not all that different in structure from the “casts of Hindostan” though (he doesn’t say this but I’ll add it because not backed by religion) not quite the same “abject misery.”
He shows how the money economy in farming for example makes fewer gradations in society. Actually these gradations are useful since they make people value one another who are close in rank. At the same time as these gradations are being removed, the steps on the ladders are being taken away. He makes a joke on how this leads to the “general depravity of servants.”
Who has disappeared as a group? the small gentry is going; the colonial wars hit them very hard. and how does this happen? They find themselves step-by-step curtailed of their luxuries, then when at manhood there is no entry for them that there was in the old crony-family system (I’ll call it); they may hazard themselves with a partner in the new system but the likelihood is bankruptcy (that’s what happened to Henry Austen as a banker, he ended up an impoverished curate). Year after year the taxes come; you have to give up your wine, then no table with nice food on its board, the priest does not come over after service, the boys go to sea, the girls sink to dependence.
While one group sinks, another is rising sky high. The picture of fabulous wealth reminds me of the older film adaptations of Austen’s novels. (1990s, 1980s). Of course money is still made pettily: Southey tells of selling honorary distinctions to get into the nobility for entry to this is for sale.
He goes on to buying boroughs and the corrupt elections. The naval “system”, how the lords use their prerogatives to subvert the principles of liberty and property in the constitution. Granting of peerages.
I’m not making this up: we have here a description of what is happening to the working and middle classesd in the US today. With the 1% being the winners.
Letter 71 takes us to war; we learn of Despard’s conspiracy, a really sordid type scheme that reveals the natrue of the corrupt system where justice was not done, but ironic punishments handed out (if you think about it as Southey does). We get a description of an execution in all its grisly distaste, how the mob applauded the man killed and attended the body to the grave as it it were a public funeral of a great figure.
Then he moves on to the Napoleonic wars. The expense, who is killing who or which nation oppressing the other. He thinks if things go on there will be revolution. There was not. So he guessed wrong but his reasons for thinking so are worth reading. Intolerable oppression (see Letter 60, and now he beings in taxes, rioting populations, people without food). But no pressing. Aphorisms include “Governments who found their prosperity upon manufactures sleep upon gun-powder” (p. 375).
The spread of methodism helping to make things quiet; how the security of the people is dependent on daily interaction of people going about their business, but he thinks it’s a powder keg which may be lit. The alarm can come anyway, from the antics of the ministry too. The fate of Acteon is adduced — he was killed by his own hounds, so these powerful men may end up.
Revolution may not come though as the French are hoping to ruin England first by its finances. They are forgetting how dependent they are on the banking system. (Southey sees this too.)
WE get a picture of people exchanging cash through men from Wales to London. When the gold ran out they decided they’d do it with paper and they have. This paper is saving us. The only people hurt here are the sailor who end up with wet quids.
Comically (to me) Southey says that England must now exercise strict economy in its spending. Thousands will be ruined, but what then. It will strengthen the executive, which Southey says is the tendency of all political change. We tend to call a specific ministry the gov’t but it’s not. Bonaparte will ever be endeavouring to destroy the commerce of England. I don’t know the old saying about the cat and the adulterer but Southey says it applies to smugglers who will set to work at the merchant ships when there are no armies.
A good point: he says you cannot suddenly destroy one system without making for reat evil because it’s hard to have another in its place.
Lastly how this non-system of war threatens the internal tranquillity of a country for it undermines the strengths of its individuals. Southey doesn;’t mind. It might be ewell for England to see the cities decrese and fvillages multiply and grow. Right now the peasantry is becoming the poor but maybe war will reverse this for a while as it provides income, things to do, exchange.
Southey ends on another conspiracy he foresees happening in Ireland — the most vulnerable part of the British empire and isles.
Then Swendenborianism analysed — the theology and behavior. I probably won’t summarize this one, I’ve not got the patience for mysticism no matter how well explained or why
I don’t know enough at all about Southey in later life, but if this is the man Byron so excoriated and ridiculed Byron should have been taken to task to explain why clearly.
I do think the book falls off at this place — if you are reading it as a travelogue and multi-faceted work of anthropological musings. Southey gets obsessed over delusions, especially religious ones. Perhaps this is important; at any rate this last section has been a sequence of chapters mostly about religious sects from various points of view but ever coming back to the irrationality of people, their credulity and how a particular sect forms or unscrupulous or self-deluded person exploits these. Jewish people are seen as a sect, so after a disquisition on Swendenborgianism (which is probably useful for scholars as Southey is very readable and makes more sense of this mystic set of beliefs than really these are), we get another picture of the Jews in England which treats them like Quakers: what they do to keep themselves exclusive (no single dress but customs), how they make money (lending); as opposed to Quakers Southey treats them as wrong, people in error and feels sorry for them — perhaps the Spanish mask is firmly on here, but I think not. He recurs to attempts to “naturalize” or convert Jews and the current belief they killed Christ.
A long chapter touching on infidelity (deism); Southey as narrator has no patience for Voltaire, Paine or any real disbelief — here his later conservativism may be seen; stories of two fanatics: Thomas Tryon and Taylor At this point this reader begins to distrust Southey for the first time.
But he switches back to the other secular mode and a chapter on England’s eagerness to be at war with Spain (letter 66). How they dupe themselves, the references are to the peninsula war by extension as he’s discussing the Alamada.
For a brief time (letter 67) we return to the man on the trip and an excursion to Greenwich: this is more enjoyable than anything else in this section. A rael depiction of the place, the boat-ride, the park, but unfortunately by association we are back somehow to “the brutality of the poor,” and a chapter on the coarse entertainments of the working classes. That English people think Spanish solemnity ridiculous. He does feel for a people who have not enough holidays and have their Sundays taken from them . English people seem not to listen to or make music or dance the way the Spanish peasant and working class person does, and he ends on (barbarities of). bull-baiting and (vile) boxing.
But he loses it so to speak as he brings in Abbey Barruel who appears to be a paranoid believing in conspiracies: reminds me of right-wing fanatics today; then an interview with William Byran and the Richard Brothers. These were probably the Russ Limbaugh and Father Conklin of their days.
I wonder if these were writing Southey had in his desk and put into the book as filler.
E.M.
Letter 70: Unhinged over a female religious leader
There has been throughout this section a current which is filled with strong dislike.I’ve not emphasized it, but as it comes out so strongly in the long chapter on Joanna Southcote, I have to. Southey loathes this woman, and I do feel it’s because she is a woman.
He finds a model for her in a 13th century Italian woman who was burnt at the stake in Milan (p. 433)
The story itself is a telling one — whose sexual and class resonances he fails to see. A working class servant Joanna converted zealously to methodism (“people equally well-qualified to teach her the arts of imposture of drive her mad”). A key incident (he fails to see this though tells it) is that a preacher frequented the master’s house and “lived in habits of adultery with the wife” while the husband tried to seduce (rape?) Joanna herself. This preacher would have his congregation lie stiff on the ground and rouse them to frenzies. She apparently dared to defy his power.
Much of the chapter is taken up with how over the years this or that person or sect disseminates the papers and a book history person will notice how Southey continually shows us the reason this happened is these texts sold. So her fame is kept up because others could exploit it. Southey then does summarize these texts. I wonder if they were written by her; they are said to be transcriptions of her “blasphemies.” The include the devil telling Joanna and her followers to lead a gay and happy life. One man, Mr Follat told her if she would not have him for her husband he would die. Die he did. Various beliefs about the moon. She was taken into people’s houses and treated with reverence (Southey foams at the mouth at this).
What really enrages Southey is the credulity of others, and he ends the section on how at the end of each age inadequate generalizations about it occur (as “the Age of Reason”) and certain typical charismatic (he doesn’t use this word) emerge. The section ends with him reprinting in tiny letters some of these texts (as he did other texts by religious figures).
His tone may be gauged here: he says after you read what she wrote “you will think no further trial necessary to prove that she and her abetors ought either to be punished as imposters or silenced as lunatic” (p. 443)
E.M.
Closing Letters 71-76
I finally finished the book and found myself liking it much better than I had for a long number of letters.
There were some more intervening chapters of social caricature: coxcombs which is conservative in thrust, supporting narrow notions of manliness; then on a fire in Westminster Abbey which shows us how you cannot get people to cooperate beyond their narrowest of interests, boxing, by this time (to me) more leavings of his newspaper pieces which never got published.
At its close Southey returns to the fiction of the traveler and we visit Bath, Bristol, onto Plymouth (Cornwall), Falmouth and our narrator bids an effective adieu to his local hosts, his friend who he will probably never see again (they must resort to writing — reminding me of my experience at the EC/ASECS, only there we do get to see one another again periodically). This conceit of how Don Manuel Espriella will (using Mary Crawford’s definition) never return to England again, nor see those who provided for him and kept him company gives the close its poignant passages. Southey also can celebrate Bath, gives its (I now know) bogus history which I admit does tell so well (Ralph Allen to Wood to Nash, with time out for dogspits, mostly by the way highly mythic for it was the Duke of Chandos making huge sums that built up the first and mid-18th century Bath), and then has his contrast and effective social criticism with the burgeoning Bristol (money made on evil practices like slavery, on industrialism), wtih a return to landscape and Cornwall and then seascape.
It’s a successful book of astonishing genius for the first two-thirds and then it needed an editor, or pieces of it needed to be in another book on religion in England. I remember best from among so many just now how he connected the objections to the new (strongly secular science) to delusions in medicine; so few see how medicine and science and cultural norms are interconnected but (because of its cost nowadays) prefer to jump to discuss the politics of money. And when he wants to write effectively poetically and funnily he can.
E.M.
Readers might like to know that the first ever scholarly edition of Southey’s Letters from England, ed. Carol Bolton, is [to be] published by Pickering and Chatto in 2013. http://www.pickeringchatto.com/major_works/letters_from_england
Meanwhile, you can freely access Southey’s Collected Correspondence
in the new edition at http://www.rc.umd.edu/editions/southey_letters/
forthcoming volumes will cover the years in which he was writing
Letters from England
Tim Fulford
[...] Austen turns from the topic of Frank and Mary living on their own, Alton as an alternative new space for the Austen mother and sisters (and Martha?), Austen turns to her own doings. She’s reading aloud with her mother Southey’s Letters from England. [...]
[...] was travelling in Spain (see Southey’s Letters from England) while his wife, Edith (sister to Coleridge’s wife) was in the Lake District (see Kathleen [...]